North Belfast News , 19. January 2007
Haddock on the bottom rung of collusion ladder
By Mark Thompson - director of
Relatives for Justice
The Ombudsman's report into Mark Haddock, ‘Operation Ballast', once again
puts the spotlight on state collusion in over 20 murders.
It follows the Irish government Oireachtas Committee Report – the Barron
Inquiry into Dublin/Monaghan bombings – the Glenane Report into collusion in
Mid-Ulster's murder triangle – and the three reports by John Stevens.
This aside from the almost monthly occurrence of collusion being evidenced
by bereaved families.
However, the focus should not just be Mark Haddock. He was the dime a dozen
killer at the bottom of the chain.
Evidence about collusion to date consistently points to a
highly-sophisticated British government political and military policy of
infiltration of loyalism for the purposes of murdering Irish nationals.
The irony is that Haddock killed numerous unionists. It is evident the
British authorities permitted these killings.
Irrespective of whoever was killed human rights must be defended and
culpability established beyond the role of Haddock and his handlers.
Independent investigations must be pursued to the highest authority
especially within the British Cabinet and MI5 establishment in Whitehall
that sanctioned that policy. To concentrate only on Haddock, while
important, would be an error and a grave injustice.
Since April 2003 the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) has had 25 files
relating to members of RUC Special Branch and the British army's Force
Research Unit (FRU) including one relating to a civilian – loyalist.
At the time of the limited publication of Stevens; Report in April 2003 the
British Government said that; ‘…it’s important that the criminal justice
process takes its course.' It is equally evident that they have worked to
prevent and frustrate due process.
This should not surprise us. Much effort has been deployed to keep the lid
on collusion including the Inquiries Act 2005 that is specifically about
preventing an inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane.
Since 2003 there have been no prosecutions taken and the PPS is being
strategically used as a last line of defence for ‘British national
interests' – hiding the truth about Britain's dirty war in Ireland including
those responsible for running it.
We need to go right to the heart of British government policy on collusion.
We equally need to end the beyond scrutiny status of the PPS which is part
and parcel of the policy of collusion acting against due process.
We also need to ask why is this current British government going to extreme
lengths to protect a Tory regime that refined and developed the strategic
policy of collusion during the mid 1980s onwards?
The full truth about all the activities in which RUC Special Branch, and
secretive military units such as FRU, must be exposed and those ultimately
responsible held accountable.
The activities of Mark Haddock are particularly disturbing.
Obvious questions are did the PSNI continue to run him as an agent and was
the Chief Constable Hugh Orde made aware of his activities when he took over
the reins?
All of these issues must be clarified and underline the importance of
comprehensively addressing the full truth about collusion before it further
contaminates future policing.
Now is the time for truth and accountability. Transitional justice requires
this. Victims demand nothing less.