Sinn Féin Press Office
44 Parnell Square
Dublin 1
Tel: 353 1 8722609
Email: sfpress@eircom.net
October 10, 2006
Gerry Adams keynote speech in advance of talks in Scotland
Sinn Féin - Determined to make Progress
We who have experienced directly the worst forms of state policing know
exactly what will not work.
So, we will not be lectured to on these matters by any British government or
by those who see these concepts as their law or their order. The DUP in
particular are in no position to preach to anyone about law and order.
We are totally opposed to the sort of policing and justice system that was
the norm in this place for 80 years. We are totally opposed to a
counter-insurgency led, collusion ridden, sectarian based paramilitary force
which seeks to defend the status quo and the interests of one section of
people by oppressing another section. And we make no apologies for this.
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP in a key note speech to a party rally in the
Europa Hotel Belfast at 7pm, Tuesday 10th October 2006:
Sinn Fein - Determined to make Progress
I want to dedicate my remarks tonight to our friend Michael Ferguson.
Before getting into the substance of my speech this evening I want to send
solidarity greetings to the people of Ballinaboy in County Mayo.
Last year there was outrage across the country when five men were put in
jail for standing up to Shell Oil. Over the last week we have seen local
people dragged off the roads of Mayo as they engage in peaceful protest
against attempts to force a dangerous pipeline through their community.
Let the message go loud and clear from Belfast to Mayo – Shell should be put
to Sea. The Irish government’s campaign against the people of Rossport should stop.
Achieving a deal by November 24th
The last 12 years of the peace process have brought about huge positive
change. Republicans have been responsible for much of this. In that time we
have been faced with enormous challenges. And we have met these head on. In
the coming weeks we will be challenged once again. Are we up for these
challenges?
There is only one answer to that question, that answer is yes. Those of us
who want to achieve the most have to take the most risks. We have to reach
out, especially to opponents.
And that is as true today as at any time in the peace process. So those of
us who want the greatest change must be prepared to demonstrate the greatest
confidence and take the big risks.
Myself and Martin McGuinness, Mary Lou McDonald, Pat Doherty, Bairbre de
Brún, Gerry Kelly, Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, Michelle Gildernew, Martin Ferris,
Catriona Ruane, Francie Molloy, Conor Murphy, Alex Maskey, Joanne Spain,
Dessie Ellis, John Dwyer, Pearse Doherty, David Cullinane, and Padraig
MacLochlainn will travel to Scotland tomorrow.
Our job is straightforward. It is to get the political institutions up and
running by November 24th and the Good Friday Agreement implemented. And I
believe that this is possible.
I was at a republican event on Saturday evening. It was a wonderful event
organized by people from the Colin area of West Belfast.
In the course of it people raised two issues with me. One was about
policing, which I will deal with in a minute. The other was about Ian
Paisley.
There is obviously a lot of scepticism about whether Ian Paisley is up for
doing a deal next week or indeed at any time? That scepticism is justifiable
given his role for over 40 years or so. But it also misses the point.
We republicans are the people who have a vision of a new Ireland - a united
and independent Ireland in which orange and green live together as equals.
A new Ireland in which orange and green work in partnership, shaping out a
new future, a shared future, a prosperous and peaceful future.
Have we let Ian Paisley put us off this at any time?
Today Irish republicanism is stronger than at any time since the 1920s. That
is a credit to all of you in this room and across this island.
Do any of us let the DUP or Ian Paisley stop us from being Irish republicans?
Has he stopped us from making our vision a reality? Has he stopped us
building our party? Or winning support right across the island of Ireland?
Of course not.
So, is Ian Paisley up for doing a deal next week?
I don't know. But I do know that the question is no longer about whether the
DUP will do a deal, the question is about when the DUP will do a deal.
We have to appreciate that this presents huge challenges for them. Not least
because of the role of their leader over the last four decades or so.
So we have to put ourselves in their shoes and consider this from their
perspective. That doesn't mean that we have to be less assertive or that we
have to accept anything less than our full entitlements as citizens.
It certainly doesn't mean that we have to shed or dilute our republican
beliefs.
On the contrary we have to find ways of putting those beliefs into practice.
That means winning political support; winning political power.
We have to think big.
40 years ago unionism was in control. The six counties was a one party
state. One Unionist Prime Minister famously described it as a protestant
Parliament for a protestant people.
The rest of us were on our knees. Forced there by an arsenal of repressive
legislation and a brutal state police force and its armed militia.
All that has changed. Changed utterly.
Of course partition still remains in place. British rule continues. But huge
progress has been made and the trajectory is set for the future.
Our responsibility is to keep moving forward in a unified and cohesive way
through the current difficulties.
We do this by meeting all of the challenges facing us, and by open and
comradely debating all issues, by staying together – and this is crucial –
by all the time moving forward.
Our responsibility is to plot a course - to build a bridge out of the
current situation into a new and agreed Ireland.
Our responsibility therefore is to do a deal with Ian Paisley. If he can be
brought to that point. And if he cannot then the process continues without
him.
Over the last twelve months republicans have taken huge risks for peace. The
IRA delivered on an end to their armed campaign and on the issue of arms.
They have honoured their word.
Time for Action
The time of reckoning has now come for the DUP. It will soon become clear if
they are prepared to work with all the other parties. If they are then the time for action is now.
The reality is that the DUP is the only party not willing to enter a power
sharing Executive at this time.
All of the other parties are ready and willing to take responsibility for
difficult issues like rates, water charges, rural planning, education and
health.
All of the other parties want to see an end to unaccountable British Direct
Rule Ministers taking bad decisions on issues they know little to nothing
about.
In discussions with the Taoiseach yesterday and with the British Prime
Minister last Friday they reasserted their commitment in relation to
November 24th. That is Sinn Fein's position also.
This is not because of any desire on our part to see the political
institutions closed down. It is because the DUP have been desperately
playing for time in the vain hope that a new British Prime Minister might
help them, or elections might change things, or circumstances might change.
Many republicans have expressed concerns to me about the stance taken by the
two governments. I share those concerns.
Part of our responsibility is to keep the British and Irish governments to
their stated public positions that the time for stalling is over.
The process is moving on, one way or another.
And let me make is clear here tonight that republicans are up for change. We
are up for dialogue with the DUP, we are up for sharing power with them and
we are up for dealing with all of the outstanding issues.
Let me also make it clear to the DUP that if they decide to hang about until
some later date then they will also have to accept the changes which will be
brought about between now and then.
Transforming Policing
This brings me to the issue of policing.
Republicans are for policing. Republicans are for the Rule of Law.
Republicans are law abiding people who want a fair and equitable policing
and justice system that is transparent and accountable.
Our support for policing and law and order is not a response to unionist
demands.
Neither is it a tradable commodity to be retained or given away as part of a
deal. Sinn Féin wants acceptable civic policing, which is democratically
accountable and free from partisan political control.
We want fair, impartial and effective delivery of law and order.
The core of democratic governance is vested in the rights of citizens. This
is one reason why we put a new beginning to policing at the core of our
negotiations.
Sinn Féin is committed to peaceful and democratic means and to a rights
based society in which the rights of citizens are upheld in fact and in law.
Citizens have a duty to oppose unjust laws in order to change them. When
that was appropriate we have done that and in so doing we have brought about
many of the positive changes of the last 40 years or so.
We who have experienced directly the worst forms of state policing know
exactly what will not work.
So, we will not be lectured to on these matters by any British government or
by those who see these concepts as their law or their order. The DUP in
particular are in no position to preach to anyone about law and order.
We are totally opposed to the sort of policing and justice system that was
the norm in this place for 80 years. We are totally opposed to a
counter-insurgency led, collusion ridden, sectarian based paramilitary force
which seeks to defend the status quo and the interests of one section of
people by oppressing another section. And we make no apologies for this.
A huge amount has been achieved.
When British Secretary of State Peter Mandelson gutted the Patten
recommendations Sinn Féin embarked on a concentrated, focussed endeavour to
repair the damage he and the securocrats did to the efforts to produce a new
policing dispensation.
We have made significant progress.
Sinn Féin won the argument for amending legislation on policing and again on
justice, including, broadening the powers of the Police Ombudsman and the
Policing Board, and including the power to initiate reports and inquiries;
and making community policing a core function of the police service.
In 2003 further changes were won by Sinn Féin, including the requirement on
the British Secretary of State to consult with the Police Ombudsman, Human
Rights Commission and Equality Commission in key areas; enhancing the powers
of the Belfast sub-groups to place them on a par with other DPPs; and
removing discrimination against political prisoners from participating as
independent members of DPPs.
Overall in the past five years the British government has been forced by us
to bring in amending legislation on two separate occasions to remedy flawed
Policing and Justice Acts.
We have won the argument for transfer of powers on policing and justice; the
argument for democratic accountability as set out in the Good Friday
Agreement.
Everyone now agrees that the transfer of power is required for a real new
beginning to policing to be achieved. That will require further legislation
and the British government is committed to doing this.
Does anyone here think that the securocrats in Whitehall or the old RUC want
anyone in this hall on policing boards or to see a republican in charge of
policing and justice? Of course not.
So let it be clear Sinn Féin's focus on policing is about depolitisicing the
police force and changing it from an armed wing of the state to a service
for the people.
Sinn Fein is opposed to criminality of all kinds. Those who profit from
crime have to be effectively challenged and put out of business. So too must
those who target the elderly and vulnerable. Rapists and racists can have no
refuge and our communities should not have to put up with the scourge of
death drivers, or intimidation and lawlessness by criminal groups.
So, we are determined to make progress in the time ahead.
Things have changed forever
Unionism has been brought once again to a crossroads. The preferred way
forward is for all the political parties to work together through the
Assembly, the Executive, and the other political institutions to deliver for
the people we represent so that they can have their entitlements to decent
health and other public services, as well as a stable and prosperous future.
If that is not possible at this time then the process of change will have to
be delivered through advanced political arrangements between the Irish and
British governments.
In all of this there is one certainty - let this be crystal clear -
regardless of what happens tomorrow or on November 24th - the process of
change will continue.
Sinn Fein are the guarantors of that.
Things have changed for ever on this island. There is no going back to the
old days.