Daily Ireland, September 10, 2006
Analysis:
When One Doesn't Mind Being Called A Provo
Dissidents can never hope to replicate the tempo of the IRA campaign.
By Danny Morrison
When the IRA split in December 1969 the dissidents set up a Provisional Army
Council until a proper IRA convention could re-constitute the organisation.
That convention took place in September 1970 but by then the name
'Provisional' or 'Provo' had stuck and was used as shorthand by both
supporters and the media, despite the distaste some veterans in the Movement
had for that term.
The organisation which the dissidents had left initially enjoyed being
called the 'Official IRA' and 'Official Sinn Féin' because those sobriquets
suggested authenticity and legitimacy.
Years ago, although I consciously refrained from using the term
'Provisional' in press statements and when an editor, I never had any
problems with it. Neither did the grassroots, among whom, "Say Hello to the
Provos" and "The Provo Lullaby" were extremely popular if you'll excuse the
adverb!
Different periods have seen republicanism undergo various name changes: the
United Irishmen, the Young Irelanders, the Fenians, the Invincibles, the
IRB, the IRA. Republicanism, militarily and politically, continually renewed
itself and adapted to changed historical circumstances.
And so, the unionist pogroms of August 1969 and the subsequent repressive
behaviour of British troops triggered a violent and sustained republican
response and on the walls was written: "Out of the ashes of Bombay
Street/Arose the Provisionals".
During the conflict the IRA survived everything that was thrown at it
because it enjoyed popular support, was resilient, could renew itself, and
was fighting against a background of political and constitutional crisis. In
the 1990s, with the IRA undefeated but with a military stalemate having
developed, the republican leadership took a mature and courageous decision
to cease fire and to negotiate. That decision transformed the dynamic of
politics, north and south. And today, nationalist morale is high and its
mood buoyant, despite the slow pace of the peace process.
People who were once members of the mainstream Republican Movement, either
up until the split over abstentionism at the 1986 ard fheis or until the
ceasefire and peace process, continually refer to Gerry Adams and the
republican leadership as "Provisionals".
You'll see it in their statements. In fact, you'll see it in almost every
statement. It is a pretty infantile attempt at disparagement especially when
one doesn't mind being called a Provo.
I can understand why dissident republicans bristle at being called
'dissidents'. After all, it inescapably defines and anchors them as being
dissident relative to a much larger, successful republican organisation with
which they disagree. But they only have themselves to blame given that they
are more renowned for attacking Sinn Féin than for attacking the Brits.
Only when the IRA called a ceasefire did a group called the Continuity IRA
pop up. When it first bombed a hotel or two in County Fermanagh it didn't
initially claim responsibility and so the media started to talk about
"dissident republicans" because it had no other name to go on.
The name stuck: they should get over it.
Later, the Real IRA announced itself. A fair degree of activity indicated
that some former IRA Volunteers alienated from the peace process sometime
after 1996/97 had become involved. If ever an organisation was obsessed with
trying to embarrass the republican leadership this was it. If Gerry Adams
was due to go to Downing Street or meet Bill Clinton a car bomb would appear
in some town in the North to coincide with his plans.
In fact, it often appeared to be a car-bomb campaign against the Republican
Movement rather than against the British presence, especially when no or few
British army units or police patrols were ever attacked. Objectively, the
Real IRA as guerrillas were hopeless and aimless and eventually it all ended
in tragedy with the Omagh bombing which itself continues to raise major
questions about agent infiltration.
Presumably a proper warning was meant to get through. The bomb would have
exploded, damaging buildings only. The Real IRA would have been pleased to
spread gloom and confusion. And the securocrats, who facilitated the
explosion, would have been exploiting and playing out the explosion from
every available angle to undermine the Good Friday Agreement and Sinn Féin's
involvement in the process.
But the warning didn't get through and the initial RUC investigation into
Omagh, aimed at covering up Special Branch involvement, is slowly being
exposed.
There is a certain irony in dissidents shouting sell-out and accusing Sinn
Fein leaders of being British agents. How do we know the leaders of
dissident republicans aren't agents? I read their speeches and often wonder
who is pulling their strings.
Those involved in armed activities appear heavily infiltrated with
informers, going on the number of their operations that are compromised.
After Omagh, Real IRA activity ended - at least for a while. Two weeks ago
the organisation claimed responsibility for firebombs in Newry. Again, an
isolated incident - a pinprick in real terms, however costly to the locals -
which only highlights the desultory nature of their campaign. They will
never get off the ground. There is no comparison to the type of oppression
and brutality which gave rise to the IRA campaign. When we fought we had
support within the community.
Dissidents can never hope to replicate the tempo of the IRA campaign. Today
nationalists are glad the war is over, feel that a political solution is
available and have rejected the SDLP in favour of Sinn Féin.
IRA Volunteers fought in the North; risked their lives bombing England and
attacking those British politico- militarists responsible for war; operated
in Europe; internationally sought and organised the importation of weapons;
went to jail, died in jails and died on the streets and in the countryside.
Many thousands of supporters - in Ireland and further afield - also suffered
for the republican cause.
Now, you would think that this would entitle them to some say, the right to
approve a strategy even if it meant adopting an imperfect peace process. But
not according to dissidents who are completely elitist - despite not being
able to muster numbers. They cannot sustain a propaganda newspaper or
magazine. They have not produced a programme. They have not offered a
compelling analysis or even a woeful one. Their spokespersons have been
spectacularly unimpressive and inarticulate. They cannot even organise a
meeting.
But, still, they are former comrades who maybe even once sang, "The Provo
Lullaby"! They cannot all harbour that sense of personal hatred - a
throwback to some perceived slight in the past, no doubt - which seems to
motivate some of their more public spokespersons. If there is space for
debate and discussion, even in private, it should be pursued. It would never
be a waste of time.
Despite the early release of prisoners under the Good Friday Agreement there
are still political prisoners in jails, north and south: many of these as a
result of dissident or alleged dissident activity. They are entitled to be
treated as political prisoners. It would be difficult to mobilise public
opinion for an amnesty until the organisations to which they owe allegiance
declare ceasefires but the situation here will not be normalised until all
political prisoners are free.
The sincerity of those dissident republicans who believe that the strategy
of the Republican Movement is wrong is easily tested.
Leave aside the personal attacks and explain what the alternative strategy
should be. I don't believe there is one. But I am prepared to listen.
