Sinn Fein News, May 10, 2006
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams today set out his party's approach to the
reconvened Assembly. During the course of an address to the Sinn Féin
Assembly team Mr Adams stated that he intended to nominate The Reverend Ian
Paisley and Martin McGuinness for the positions of First and Deputy First
Ministers:
Sinn Féin approach to Assembly
By Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams
"We want to work in partnership with unionists to create a better place, a
shared space for all our people. In my opinion the current phase of the political talks will decide the
future of the Good Friday Agreement - the stakes are that high.
Next Monday the British Secretary of State is convening an Assembly. It is
important that everyone understand that this is not the Assembly envisaged
in the Good Friday Agreement. This is an inferior model designed by Mr.
Hain. This is the 'Peter Hain Assembly'."
This is an emotional week for Irish republicans. Last Friday we marked the
25th anniversary of the death of Bobby Sands.
This Friday is the anniversary of Francie Hughes.
Their deaths and almost 50 others came during an immensely challenging
period in our history. As we remember that time and celebrate the lives of
these brave men we should also reflect on the hunger strikers commitment to
the future.
That is essentially what the hunger strike was about. That is also what we
are about.
Republicans need no reminding that building a future based on equality and
justice is immensely challenging. No one should be under any illusion about
the challenges and risks facing the British and Irish governments and all of
the parties in the period ahead.
In recent years, despite the setbacks, there has been significant progress.
The situation today bears little relation to that of 25 years ago. But there
are still difficulties to be overcome.
Not least of these is the issue of sectarianism which manifested itself in
its most brutal form last weekend with the murder of 15 year old Michael
McIlveen.
Let us be clear and honest about this. Sectarianism is rampant in this
society. It needs to be eradicated. The peace process is consequently the
most important issue facing the people of this island today.
The Good Friday Agreement is central to its stability and progress. Progress
within the peace process will create opportunity, will create wealth, will
improve our standard of living and contribute to further progress. It will
usher in equality and remove the causes of sectarianism. Failure will set
all this back by decades.
Therefore the next few months are pivotal. For our part, Republicans have
demonstrated time and time again our desire and determination to make the
peace process work.
We want to work in partnership with unionists to create a better place, a
shared space for all our people.
In my opinion the current phase of the political talks will decide the
future of the Good Friday Agreement - the stakes are that high.
Next Monday the British Secretary of State is convening an Assembly. It is
important that everyone understand that this is not the Assembly envisaged
in the Good Friday Agreement. This is an inferior model designed by Mr.
Hain. This is the 'Peter Hain Assembly'.
Sinn Féin understands the rationale behind the strategy of the two
governments at this time, and the positives involved. But we are equally
clear about the shortcomings. The British legislation which underpins this
approach provides for an Assembly period between May15 and the end of June
in which to form an Executive. If that does not happen, a further period
after the summer recess has been set ending on November 25.
Although the two governments have declared that the primary purpose is the
appointment of the Executive, this legislation authorises the British
Secretary of State to allow other business to be conducted. The Assembly‚s
rules have also been changed.
Sinn Féin will not acquiesce to this. Our singular focus will be on the
formation of the Executive. We will use our mandate for this purpose and to
prevent either the governments or any party here from diverting proceedings
into time wasting distractions.
Understandably there is a lot of scepticism and cynicism about whether Ian
Paisley will do the business. The early goodwill and high hopes that were
invested in the Assembly after the Good Friday Agreement was achieved over 8
years ago have also eroded.
Despite this I detect an undercurrent of optimism that progress can be made.
The significant moves by republicans last year have emboldened many to hope
that this time it will be different - that this time real progress can be
made. There is also a very clear feeling that business, the economy needs
local politicians to take charge. So, if so the focus can be kept on the
formation of the Executive and away from other distractions progress is
possible.
For these reasons scepticism should be suspended and the upcoming period
approached in a very positive way. In this context a big effort has to be
made to keep the two governments on the right lines.
For example, it emerged recently that the two governments were considering
assembly arrangements put forward by the DUP that would over-ride the Good
Friday Agreement safeguards.
At a meeting with the Taoiseach I made it clear that this was unacceptable.
And the following day after a meeting with Mr. Blair in Downing Street Sinn
Féin publicly ruled out participating in any form of Shadow Assembly.
It is also worth noting, despite the understandable goodwill that the
Taoiseach receives for his work on the process, that any initiatives,
imperfect though they may be, have come from the British government, mostly
at the behest of Sinn Féin. For some time now Sinn Féin has campaigned for
the Assembly to be reconvened with the purpose of forming the power sharing
Executive.
All of our public and private discussions with the two governments have had
that priority.
Next Monday's meeting here is the result of that work. However not
unexpectedly, instead of stoutly defending the Good Friday Agreement, the
governments have pandered to the DUP.
For example, in March Peter Hain put forward a proposition which would have
excluded Sinn Fein from negotiations. He didn't push the issue. He was only
trying it on. And we immediately blocked his proposal. But what was even
more significant is that he was supported by the Minister for Foreign
Affairs Dermot Ahern. So for all these reasons there is a need for great
vigilance in the time ahead.
The Sinn Féin leadership has thoroughly examined the current situation and
its possible potential and pitfalls.
After a thorough discussion we have agreed very strict guidelines and
conditions for our party's participation in the Peter Hain Assembly.
Consequently;
Our focus will be on the restoration of the institutions. So, I intend to
nominate The Reverend Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness for the positions of
First and Deputy First Ministers.
If this is unsuccessful we will seek to return to this business at the
earliest possible time.
We will also participate in a Business Committee to ensure that the election
of the First and Deputy First Minster, and any business for the urgent
preparation of the restoration of government is discussed by the Assembly.
It has been suggested that the Peter Hain Assembly will provide the
opportunity for discussion of important issues, like education reform, water
charges, health and rates increases. This would be pointless. In reality the
Peter Hain Assembly is powerless on all these issues. It would be nothing
more than a talking shop.
Of course, there is a way to effectively tackle these matters but that
depends on local politicians taking up their responsibilities. We have an
opportunity to send British Ministers home and for local politicians, who
know the issues, to take responsibility for deciding the future direction of
Health and Education, the Environment, Policing and Justice and much more.
What are the chances for success? I don't know. It is too early to tell.
What I do know is that Sinn Féin is here to do business and totally
committed and determined to rise to the needs of the situation.
I have no doubt that the DUP will enter into power sharing arrangements. But
for understandable reasons they want to do so on their terms.
That is not possible unless the Good Friday Agreement is torn up. The
objective therefore has to be to get Ian Paisley into the power sharing
arrangements on the terms contained in the Agreement. Until this is achieved
the Assembly should have no other role.
However, while Sinn Féin is deeply opposed to the politics and the polices
of the DUP we recognise their electoral mandate and the right of their
leader to be First Minster under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. For
their part the DUP want the Assembly to stay away from the formation of the
Executive. They want a shadow forum, including shadow committees. Sinn Féin
will not permit this.
Having said all of this, do I believe Ian Paisley will be First Minister? I
don't know. I don't even know if he knows. But I'm sure he will be conscious
of the irony involved in Sinn Féin preparing to go to Stormont to have him
elected as First Minister.
That's the politics of the peace process. Sinn Féin's resolve is to make
these politics work. If politicians fail or effuse to do this, then they
cannot with credibility condemn the politics of sectarianism or sectarian
killings like that of Michael McIlveen. Like it or not we are the role
models. Our duty is to lead by example.