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Adams speech - Sinn Féin seek progress in time ahead
In the course of a wide ranging speech to party members in South Armagh this
evening Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams addressed tomorrows meeting between
the party and the Irish Government:
" Sinn Féin's meeting with the government tomorrow, is at our request and
has been arranged to address a range of issues particularly initiatives from
the Irish government following the IRAs decision to formally end its armed
campaign.
" We will also be raising the recent unionist violence and attacks on
nationalists across the North.
" Contrary to some reports this is not the first official meeting with the
Irish government since the start of the year. Martin McGuinness and I have
been meeting with the Irish and British governments continuously over recent
months in our on-going efforts to break the log-jam in the peace process.
" Tomorrows meeting is a continuation of this work. I welcome the fact that
Dermot Ahern and Michael McDowell will be in attendance at this engagement
as we are anxious to raise a number of issues with them, which are their
specific responsibility and to listen to their proposals to inject momentum
into the peace process. We have a lot of work ahead of us if the peace
process is to be revived.
" I welcome the fact that after so many months the Minister for Foreign
Affairs Dermot Ahern is in the North meeting privately with some of those
nationalists who have had to bear the brunt of unionist paramilitary attacks.
" I hope that he will also take on board their concerns particularly around
the failure of the Irish government to take action to assist isolated
nationalist communities over the summer months.
" I hope he will also listen to concerns about his comments that unionist
communities are now more disadvantaged than nationalist communities. It is
worrying that such an inaccurate comment could be made by an Irish Cabinet
Minister especially when discrimination against nationalists is one of the
key issues to be resolved in the time ahead."
I want to begin by commending all of you for your hard work and outstanding
efforts in advancing the republican agenda, particularly in the face in
recent times of a ferocious anti-republican campaign by our opponents. The
Assembly group, our Councillors and party activists in the north have
achieved remarkable results in successive elections and we should be proud
of the fact that this party is now the largest nationalist party in the six
counties and the third largest on this island.
Of course all our efforts, all of our endeavours, have been about advancing
the republican goals. What are these?
Simply stated Sinn Féin is an Irish republican party. This year marks our
100th birthday, our Céad, and on Saturday as part of our celebrations
republicans from all over Ireland will converge on Dublin for a national
rally to promote Irish unity. Our primary political objectives are; an end
to partition, an end to the union, the construction of a new national
democracy - a new republic - on the island of Ireland, and reconciliation
between orange and green.
But we are not prepared to wait until we have achieved these goals for
people to have their rights to a decent home, to a job and a decent wage, to
decent public services like health and education, and a safer cleaner
environment.
We also want change in the here and now.
Irish republicanism has a vision of a new society that is democratic.
That is economic as well as political. A society which is inclusive of all
citizens, in which there is a redistribution of wealth for the well being of
the aged, for the advancement of youth, for the liberation of women and the
protection of our children.
It foresees a new relationship between these islands resting upon our mutual
independence and mutual respect.
Our republicanism is about change - fundamental, deep-rooted change.
It's about empowering people to make that change.
That means we have to be agents of change.
This is an enormous responsibility. It is a huge challenge.
The last 15 years of the peace process, and especially the last 7 years,
have been a political and emotional rollercoaster ride for republicans.
Republicans have been through a lot together.
We have been faced with enormous challenges.
We have confronted those challenges.
Each year, and sometimes more than once in a year, we have reached what some
have described as another 'crossroads' in our struggle.
Some years ago I compared all this to a journey.
For us the destination is an Irish republic.
Completing the journey means having a political strategy to get us there.
It means engaging with and putting our case to our opponents.
It means taking the political offensive, taking initiatives, and engaging in
the battle of ideas.
But being an Irish republican means more than paying lip service to the 1916
Proclamation or to the ideal of 'The Republic.'
It means refusing to stand still.
It means taking risks.
It means moving forward.
And through our collective efforts we have made significant progress and we
have for the first time in the history of our struggle created the
opportunity to achieve our republican objectives through purely peaceful and
democratic methods.
This is the context in which I made my appeal to the IRA in April. This is
the context in which the IRA took its historic and courageous initiative at
the end of July.
I want to commend the commitment of all of those who took that decision and
I want to appeal to every republican, the length and breadth of this island
and beyond, to carry the struggle forward with new energy and enthusiasm.
The IRA initiative in July to formally end its armed campaign has changed
the political context utterly. Our enemies can no longer use the IRA as an
excuse for intransigence, and a refusal to engage with the peace process and
the Good Friday Agreement.
I believe the delivery by the IRA of commitments made in that statement will
dramatically change the political conditions on this island, but especially
here in the north.
It will present Irish republicans and nationalists with an unparalleled
opportunity to make even greater political advances, and to make Irish
freedom a reality.
For republicans, nationalists, socialists, trade unionists and all strands
of progressive opinion in Ireland this means grasping the opportunity which
now exists to take ownership of the peace process, to push ahead with its
progressive agenda and to take on the task of shaping the future direction
of this island for the decades ahead. Central to that effort has to be
nation building - planning in a very strategic way the steps towards Irish
unity. Part of this has to be about eliminating sectarianism and racism from
our society.
And for Sinn Féin that means opening up the party to a wider membership and
participation, particularly to women and young people who will bring their
own life experiences and values, and it means setting new goals for the
growth and development of the party in this area.
The potential for significant growth throughout the island is substantial.
Why can't we have a Sinn Féin cumann in every townland or parish?
The fact is that republicans are now in a new area of struggle.
We have moved from a culture of resistance into a culture of change and
through this to building political strength so that we can democratically
take political power and exercise it in pursuance of our goals.
It is through building political strength across Ireland that we can advance
our goals.
By building political strength we can build the capacity to move both the
British government and the unionists and influence directly the political
agenda in the 26 counties.
Of course, none of this will be easy. Our enemies within the British system
and in Dublin will still seek to defeat us.
In recent months unionist paramilitaries have killed five people and have
been involved in a systematic campaign of terror against nationalists,
especially in county Antrim and Belfast. The unionist political leadership
by abdicating responsibility and moral and political leadership encourages
the continuation of this behaviour.
The excuse which some have sought to use is the deprivation experienced by
unionist working class areas.
Let me make several points in respect of this.
First of all the riots in recent weeks were not about deprivation but about
unionism and orangeism demanding to walk through a nationalist area on the
Springfield Road.
Deprivation, or more accurately the playing of the orange card and the
violence and threats of violence accompanying all of this, have been about
forcing the British government into acquiescing to the demand for orange
parades to march through nationalist areas.
On the bigger political stage it's about unionism advancing its objective of
stopping or at least delaying the process of change inherent in the peace
process and promised by the Good Friday Agreement.
Of course unionist working class areas on the Shankill and elsewhere suffer
deprivation. The deprivations there are exasperated by the influence of
paramilitaries and in particular the impact of their drug enterprises. Much
of the blame for that can be laid at the door of the bad and inadequate
political representation they have had for decades.
But resolving this problem will not be advanced by unionist politicians
either blaming Catholics for this or by claiming that unionist deprivation
is greater than that suffered by Catholics. Why? Because neither claim is
true - but more importantly if these issues of unemployment and social
deprivation are to be properly tackled it requires a partnership between
unionists and nationalists to achieve it.
Unionism has tried to distract attention from its responsibility to show
positive leadership.
I say it with no sense of irony - the people of the Shankill would be better
served in achieving their economic and social rights if they voted Sinn Féin.
With some notable exceptions they have been poorly served by their political
leaders because, and let us not forget this, some have had political power
and influence since the foundation of the northern state.
No one believes that British government Direct Rule Ministers can do this
job.
Only locally elected representatives, accountable to people in the north,
and working together with institutions in the south, can hope to end
deprivation.
The time ahead therefore is going to be enormously challenging.
We will be challenged as we seek to open up an engagement with unionism on
the logic and benefits of Irish unity - in short to become persuaders for
Irish unity. And of course we have a responsibility also to listen intently
to their counter arguments, to take these issues on board and to respond
intelligently to them.
We will be challenged as we seek to persuade unionists that they have an
important and valuable role to play in a free and united Ireland and to
convince those who feel threatened that they have nothing to fear in a
United Ireland.
We will be challenged as we seek through all of the above to persuade the
governments and others to develop a strategy and programme for national
reconciliation.
Our Assembly team today at this meeting and at others which will take place
in the time ahead, is planning new strategies, new campaigns to promote
republican goals and in particular to advance the all-Ireland agenda inside
and outside the political institutions.
That means the Irish government facing up to its responsibilities. It has
failed to do so on a range of issues within its jurisdiction. Despite the
economic boom there is a widening gap between rich and poor, ongoing
attempts to sell off public services, overcrowding in our schools, health
services in crisis and tax breaks for the rich. That's the Fianna Fáil/PD
agenda.
Sinn Féin's meeting with the government tomorrow, is at our request and has
been arranged to address a range of issues particularly initiatives from the
Irish government following the IRAs decision to formally end its armed
campaign.
We will also be raising the recent unionist violence and attacks on
nationalists across the North.
Contrary to some reports this is not the first official meeting with the
Irish government since the start of the year. Martin McGuinness and I have
been meeting with the Irish and British governments continuously over recent
months in our on-going efforts to break the log-jam in the peace process.
Tomorrows meeting is a continuation of this work. I welcome the fact that
Dermot Ahern and Michael McDowell will be in attendance at this engagement
as we are anxious to raise a number of issues with them, which are their
specific responsibility and to listen to their proposals to inject momentum
into the peace process. We have a lot of work ahead of us if the peace
process is to be revived.
I welcome the fact that after so many months the Minister for Foreign
Affairs Dermot Ahern is in the North meeting privately with some of those
nationalists who have had to bear the brunt of unionist paramilitary attacks.
I hope that he will also take on board their concerns particularly around
the failure of the Irish government to take action to assist isolated
nationalist communities over the summer months.
I hope he will also listen to concerns about his comments that unionist
communities are now more disadvantaged than nationalist communities. It is
worrying that such an inaccurate comment could be made by an Irish Cabinet
Minister especially when discrimination against nationalists is one of the
key issues to be resolved in the time ahead.
Central to this is the equality agenda and Sinn Féin is determined to
accelerate its implementation.
Not equality for Catholics. Not equality for Protestants. But equality for
every citizen.
There have been many high points over the years since the first IRA
cessation in 1994. But there have been many low points also.
There is a major job in the coming months for political representatives, in
particular the DUP, to rebuild the political institutions in the north and
advance the many elements of the Good Friday Agreement which are outstanding.
As political activists none of this should worry us. Republicans have
displayed time and again our ability to take the necessary hard decisions to
move the process forward.
But in the upcoming phase of this process the onus and focus will fall
principally onto the two governments.
The political process needs momentum. Republicans will again play our part.
But others must now step up to the plate also."