Andersontown News, March 19, 2005
Out of the West:
Locally, sympathy is turning to anger
How quickly things change. It was only three weeks ago that the McCartney
sisters seemed to have a Roman Emperor-like control over the destiny of Sinn
Féin and nationalist Belfast looked on transfixed to see whether the thumb
would go up or down. No longer.
Frankly, I’ve been a little shocked by the rapid hardening of opinion
against the McCartneys, even though it was probably as predictable as it was
unfortunate. Where once family spokespersons had the ability to quieten a
room, today the reaction is likely to be, at best, an impatient tut; at
worst, an angry expletive.
It’s not their fault. They’re ordinary people, not PR gurus. They’re not
trying to win a political argument, they just want to get justice for a
loved one. They weren’t to know that the only thing worse than
under-exposure is over-exposure, but the crack that has opened in the
hitherto solid wall of support for the family’s campaign might just be one
that the killer of Robert McCartney slips through.
The unprecedented concentration on a single killing by the media was never
sustainable. There are too many stories out there, too much suffering and
too much hurt. It’s hardly surprising that a community that knows of many
deaths that never merited an investigation by the RUC, never mind a
conviction, feels angry – bitter, even – at the sight of a single family
being championed by the media and taken to the bosom of three states.
This is a constituency that has its own memories, its own history, neither
of which bears the slightest resemblance to the official record, or to the
media orthodoxy. A vast, unheard phalanx of grieving relatives believes that
the British state was responsible for the death of their loved ones, either
by direct action, or by manipulating loyalist killer gangs. Out there is a
deep, dark well of untested information, of untried evidence: the foot
patrols that appeared then disappeared; the surveillance equipment that saw
and heard nothing; the threats before the murders; the vanishing roadblocks;
the magically opening peacelines. And extensive as that information and
evidence is, as compelling as those stories are, put it all together and it
still didn’t get a fraction of the attention given to a single pub stabbing.
The most unedifying spectacle in all of this is the SDLP’s efforts to put
the boot in. Like grammar school boys dressed up as bikers for a school
play, they’re enthusiastic enough, but not terribly convincing. That’s
because they have precious little experience of campaigning or agitation.
Any time I reported on street demos and there was a member of the SDLP there
– a rare enough occurrence, let it be said – the poor bloke always looked as
if he’d much rather be somewhere else. Which is perhaps why they look so
uncomfortable as they get stuck in; it’s as if they’re aware that the Short
Strand community might at some point wonder where they were all those other
times over the past 35 years when the people hit the streets.
Martin McGuinness was excoriated for advising the family to be “very
careful” not to become embroiled in the world of party politics – his words
were deemed a threat, and it’s clear now that it doesn’t matter what
republicans say, a negative spin will be printed regardless. But the family
should indeed be very careful, because if they do allow themselves,
deliberately or unwittingly, to become poster girls for one party or
another, then that will inevitably lead to more anger and resentment.
They’re already well on the way. The Boston Globe reported this week:
“During their trip to the United States, [Robert] McCartney's sisters are
expected at some social functions to bump into [Gerry] Adams, a reputed IRA
chief. Adams met the McCartneys last month and reassured them he would press
for witnesses to come forward, but Catherine McCartney said she probably
would not shake his hand. ‘He seemed genuine when he met us, when we thought
the problem was just a matter of IRA intimidation,’ she said. ‘Now we know
better. It’s clear that Sinn Fein is heavily into the cover-up.’”
To refuse to shake Gerry Adams’ hand – with all the quasi-racist DUP
overtones that that involves – is insulting enough, not only to him but to
every single person who voted for him; to accuse him of being involved in a
continuing cover-up is preposterous and inflammatory and, far from advancing
the campaign for justice for their brother, does it a grave disservice. That
kind of scalding language may be a sign of frustration and anger, but just
six weeks into their campaign, it does not augur well for the future. If the
PSNI get a straightforward murder case into court in a year or 18 months
they’re doing well; there are families whose relatives have been dead for
many years who haven’t seen an inquest yet because it doesn’t suit the state
to hold one. Legally speaking, six weeks is the blink of an eye.
Ironically, what could well do more damage to the McCartney cause than
cover-ups and threats is the bandying about of names and accusations in the
media by journalists who claim to be supporting the family in its pursuit of
justice. Of course, any defence lawyer worth his salt would have a field day
throwing up examples of trial by media that seriously compromise the
judicial process. And if a judge – in the trial or the appeal – rules that a
fair trial is impossible, who will accept the blame for that?