Sinn Fein News, March 5, 2005
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP's
Presidential Address to the 2005 Sinn
Féin Ard Fheis.
A chairde
Seo bliain an chomóradh Céad Bliain ar an tsaol do Sinn Féin.
Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh gach duine atá anseo inniu, na hoifigigh,
an ceannaireacht, na baill uilig agus chomh maith leis sin ár gcairde ón tír
seo agus thar lear.
Tá súil agam go bhfuil sibh ag baint sult as an chaint agus dióspoireacht
thar an deireadh seachtaine.
I want to welcome all of you here to this very unique gathering, the Ard
Fheis, in the centenary year, of the only all-Ireland political party on
this island.
An Céad - Centenary Year
100 years ago Sinn Féin was founded in this city.
This year Irish republicans will celebrate that event in every part of this
island and beyond and begin preparations to commemorate the 25th anniversary
of the 1981 Hunger Strikes. It will be a year of education and debate. It
will be a year in which we will further advance the work of re-popularising
Irish republicanism.
When the idea of Sinn Féin was conceived Ireland was awakening from the
nightmare of the 19th century. But even in the midst of these horrors some
dared to dream of a different Ireland -- a free Ireland. And from the
beginning Sinn Féin extended a hand of friendship to unionists, while always
asserting that the end of the Union was in the interests of all the people
of this island.
It was a time of renewal and rebirth. It was a great period of debate, of
exchanges of ideas as leaders and thinkers and activists, dreamers all, met
and influenced each other. The result was the 1916 Rising and the
Proclamation of the Irish Republic, the founding document of modern Irish
Republicanism and a charter of liberty with international as well as
national importance.
It is our task -- our responsibility -- to see this vision realised.
I want to greet our international visitors, our delegates, members and
activists and our Friends of Sinn Féin from the United States, Australia and
Canada who do such a great job for us. I want to extend a particular céad
míle failte to our team of MLAs, our MPs, our TDs, and especially to all the
councillors elected here in the south since our last Ard Fheis.
I want to particularly commend Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, the other TDs and our
entire Leinster House team for the sterling service they give to this party.
I want to thank you all, particularly those who stood as candidates for our
party, whether you were elected or not. Pearse Doherty represents you all.
His campaign is proof of what can be done.
And I want to thank everyone who votes for us and all our members and
activists for all the work you are doing. There are others I want to welcome
to the Ard Fheis. Annie Cahill, here in her own right but reminding us also
of our friend and leader Joe Cahill.
A special welcome also to our two newly elected MEPs.You will see that there
are changes in our national officer board. I want to thank Robbie Smith for
his work as Ard Runaí and welcome Mitchel McLaughlin into that position. And
I want to welcome Mary Lou McDonald who will be taking on the challenge of
the Cathaoirleach, or National Chair of Sinn Féin.
Comhaghairdeas mór d'achan duine a thug vóta agus cuidíu dúinn sna toghcháin
le bliain anuas. Comhaghairdeas d'ár n-iarrthóirí uilig.
I want this evening to deal fairly and squarely with some issues, which are
of huge importance to us.
The Murder of Robert McCartney
I want to deal first of all with the dreadful murder of Robert McCartney.
His murder was dreadful, not only because of the way he died and not only
because it robbed his family of a father, a partner, a brother, a son. His
murder was dreadful because it is alleged some republicans were involved in
it.
That makes this a huge issue for us.
As President of Sinn Féin or as an individual I could not campaign for the
victims of British or unionist paramilitary thuggery, if I was not as clear
and as committed to justice for the McCartney family.
I have met with the McCartney family a number of times. And I remain in
contact with them. I believe their demand for justice and truth is a just
demand. I have pledged them my support and the support of this party.
Those responsible for the brutal killing of Robert McCartney should admit to
what they did in a court of law. That is the only decent thing for them to
do. Others with any information should come forward. I am not letting this
issue go until those who have sullied the republican cause are made to
account for their actions.
Republicans Reject Criminality
Twenty five years ago Margaret Thatcher couldn't criminalise us. The women
prisoners in Armagh and the blanketmen and the hunger strikers in Long Kesh
wouldn't allow her. That was then; this is now.
Michael McDowell has stepped into Margaret Thatcher's shoes. But he will not
criminalise us either, because we will not allow him. And we won't allow
anyone within republican ranks to criminalise this party or this struggle.
There is no place in republicanism for anyone involved in criminality.
Our detractors will say we have a particular view of what criminality is. We
have not. We know what a crime is both in the moral and legal sense, and our
view is the same as the majority of people. We know that breaking the law is
a crime.
But we refuse to criminalise those who break the law in pursuit of
legitimate political objectives. Are we saying republicans can do no wrong?
Of course not. We need to be as strong minded in facing up to wrong doing by
republicans, as we are in opposing wrong doing by anyone else. But we refuse
to retrospectively criminalise a legitimate century long struggle for
freedom.
Campaigning for Irish unity
Sinn Féin is accused of recognising the Army Council of the IRA as the
legitimate government of this island. That is not the case. The supreme
governing and legislative body of Sinn Féin is the Ard Fheis. This is where
this party makes its big decisions. This is where we elect our leadership,
agree our policies and set in place our strategies.
I do not believe that the Army Council is the government of Ireland. Such a
government will only exist when all the people of this island elect it. Does
Sinn Féin accept the institutions of this state as the legitimate
institutions of this state? Of course we do. But we are critical of these
institutions. We are entitled to be.
The freedom won by those, who gave their lives in 1916 and in other periods,
has been squandered by those who attained political power on their backs.
Apart from our criticism of the institutions themselves the reality is that
they are partitionist and we want to see not only better institutions but
open, transparent institutions of government representative of all the
people of this island - and we make no apologies for that.
Do we accept partition? No, we do not accept partition. Do we accept British
rule in our country? No, we do not. Do we want a United Ireland? Yes.
Last week we launched our campaign for the Irish government to bring forward
a Green Paper on Irish Unity. There is a need for Irish people to engage on
the shape, form and nature that a re-united Ireland will take. We want to
see a grass roots discussion on all these issues. We want the government to
formalise that debate and to fulfil its constitutional obligation.
Ba mhaith linn daoine ó gach cearn den tír seo Doire go Corcaigh, Baile Atha
Cliath go Gaillimh, Ciarraí go Crossmaglen labhairt faoi seo.
Our opponents claim that our party is a threat to this state. We are a
threat to those who preside over growing hospital waiting lists, a two tier
health service, a housing crisis, a transport crisis and much more, all
within an economy which is one of the wealthiest in Europe. We are a threat
to those who believe that inequality is a good thing.
Partitionism is deeply ingrained within elements of the political
establishment. It could not be otherwise after over 80 years. We are a
threat to those who want to see partition sustained and maintained, because
it protects the status quo. We are a threat to those who oppose the peace
process. We are a threat to vested interests. We make no apologies for any
of this. The threat we pose is entirely democratic and peaceful.
The threat we pose is the radical, progressive, political party we are
building right across the island of Ireland. The threat we pose comes from
the genuine allegiance and voluntary support of increasing numbers of people
who want a very different society from that envisaged by those in government
or opposition in the south or from within the old power blocs in the north.
The Peace Process in Crisis
We are people in struggle. We are a party, which prides itself on our
ability to face up to challenges and find solutions. We need to be
forthright therefore in recognising the depth of the crisis in the peace
process and the shared responsibility for this.
Almost a year ago, speaking in Ballymun I warned that the Irish government
was actively considering the exclusion of Sinn Féin from the political
process. I warned that it was actively considering going back to the old
agenda - to the failed policies and the crude politics of negative
campaigning.
I made a direct appeal to Fianna Fáil members and supporters, and to
nationalists and republicans the length and breadth of this island to join
with us in reasserting the primacy of the peace process.
Why did I make those remarks at that time? I did so because at the Fianna
Fáil Ard Fheis Minister after Minister lined up to attack Sinn Féin. And it
was the same at all the other party conferences.
This had been their disposition since Sinn Féin's gains in the general
election of May 2002, and the establishments defeat in the Nice Treaty
referendum in 2001. So, they didn't want to talk about hospital closures,
the lack of affordable housing, sub-standard schools, Irish sovereignty, the
crumbling peace process, or the fact that their republicanism ends at the
border.
Níor mhaith leo labhairt fá na scanallacha, fá na clúdaigh donna agus na
deacrachtaí dá bpáirtí féin.
They didn't want to talk about endless lists of broken promises. What they
were very focused on was the upcoming local government and European Union
elections. And it wasn't just Minister McDowell, though he was leading the
charge.
Remember the Taoiseach's relief when Nicky Kehoe just missed a seat by only
74 votes - in the Taoiseach's own constituency. That was the election when
the PDs said that Fianna Fáil was too corrupt and too dishonest to be in
government, before going on to join them in government.
In November 2003 Sinn Féin moved into becoming the largest pro-Agreement
party in the north. That followed a lengthy negotiation which commenced
after our negotiating team had obtained a firm commitment to a date for the
postponed Assembly elections from the British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The Irish government deeply resented our success in achieving that. Getting
the British government to recognise that right was an achievement but it was
not the aim of our negotiations. It was a necessary prerequisite for them.
The aim of the negotiations was to get the Good Friday Agreement moving
forward, anchored in the political institutions, including the Assembly, and
the all-Ireland political infrastructure.
Both governments doubted that David Trimble could be brought to embrace
those concepts in the negotiations of that time. But in talks in
Hillsborough Castle between the Sinn Féin leadership and the leadership of
the UUP Mr. Trimble agreed to do just that. He agreed to play a full part in
the political institutions, in the context of the IRA putting arms beyond
use once again. And Tony Blair knows this. And Bertie Ahern knows this.
The IRA put arms beyond use - for a third time. And I outlined a peaceful
direction for everyone to follow. But as is now infamously known Mr. Trimble
walked away from that commitment following General de Chastelain's press
conference. Mr. Trimble wasn't on his own. The Taoiseach and the British
Prime Minister walked away as well.
The Old Consensus
Of course by now Dublin was accusing us of being in a 'power process' not a
peace process. The election of Mary Lou McDonald and Bairbre de Brún and the
surge of support for Sinn Féin in the local government contests across this
state was the last straw for the establishment. The old consensus re-emerged.
Dhruid siad na ranganna agus thosaigh siad ag díriú isteach ar
poblachtánaigh arís, ag ionsaí orthu sa phreas agus sa Dáil.
The leaderships of the Labour Party and Fine Gael have never been
comfortable with the peace process. Now they colluded, once again, in a
vicious anti-Sinn Féin agenda, and Fianna Fáil Ministers increasingly
borrowed the invective of Michael McDowell's rhetoric. At the same time the
DUP had emerged as the largest party in the north.
Working for a New Agreement
At Bodenstown last year I pointed out that the only way for Sinn Féin to
meet these challenges was through putting together an inclusive agreement. I
spelt out the need for republicans to take initiatives to bring about
completion of the issues of policing and justice, the issues of armed groups
and arms, and the issues of human rights, equality and sectarianism.
I also spelt out the need for full participation in the political
institutions by the unionists. Our objective was clear. To restore the
political institutions and end the crisis in the process. At that time the
governments had bought into a DUP timeframe and put off negotiations until
September.
It was left to republicans over the summer months, along with some brave
people from unionist neighbourhoods, to keep the peace over the Orange
marching season. And we accomplished this because of the courage of our
representatives, including Gerry Kelly, even when the British Secretary of
State Paul Murphy, the PSNI and the British parachute regiment pushed an
unwelcome Orange march through Ardoyne.
I don't think a lot of republicans took me seriously when I pointed up the
need for us to push for a comprehensive holistic agreement - and with good
reason.
That good reason was Ian Paisley.
Republicans and everyone else, including many within the DUP, could not
envisage a scenario where Ian Paisley would want to share power with the
rest of us. Our objective was to create the conditions in which Ian Paisley
would join with the rest of us in the new dispensation set out in the Good
Friday Agreement.
It wasn't that he would want to. Of course, he doesn't want to. Our
intention was to ensure that he had no option - if he wanted political
power, he had to share it with us. It was also my view that unionism was
using the IRA as an excuse to prevent progress in the peace process. I said
that in an unrehearsed remark. And I went on to say that republicans needed
to remove that excuse from them.
Difficult Negotiations
As November moved into December Ian Paisley, for the first time in his
lengthy political career, was being challenged by the willingness of the
Sinn Féin leadership to use our influence once again to resolve the problems
which he was putting up as obstacles to progress, and as a condition for his
participation in the structures of the Good Friday Agreement.
These negotiations were the most difficult that I have been involved in. Not
least because of the approach of the British and Irish governments. They
bought into the Paisleyite agenda at every turn.
Sinn Féin's approach was two fold. We were trying to get the DUP on board.
We were also trying to ensure that any proposals from the governments, and
any agreement emerging from these discussions was rooted firmly in the Good
Friday Agreement.
At the beginning of these negotiations the governments agreed that if the
DUP was not up for a deal then the two governments would come forward with
proposals to move the process forward.
Tá muid ag fanacht leis na moltaí sin go fóill.
By this time republicans were starting to get increasingly nervous. Even the
cynical and dubious were starting to contemplate the possibility that
Paisley might; just might do a deal. That wasn't why they were nervous. They
were nervous about the price which was being demanded. They were grappling
with the issue of policing alongside other issues.
It is my view that we would have risen to these challenges in the context of
an agreement even though they created profound difficulties for us. And what
was the contribution from republicans?
The IRA leadership had agreed, in the context of a comprehensive agreement:
· to support a comprehensive agreement by moving into a new mode which
reflects its determination to see the transition to a totally peaceful
society
· to give instructions to all its volunteers not to engage in any activity
which might endanger that agreement
· to conclude the process to completely and verifiably putting all their
arms beyond use, speedily, and if possible, by the end of December
· to allow two clergymen to be present as observers during this process to
further enhance public confidence.
Policing
I also agreed in a given context to ask the Ard Chomhairle to call a special
Ard Fheis to consider our attitude to the PSNI. Policing is a key issue. In
our view it can only be conducted as a public service by those who are
democratically accountable. And while progress has been made over recent
years the PSNI has not yet been brought to that point.
Sinn Féin is actively working to create an accountable policing service. We
support a range of restorative justice and community initiatives to deal
with the problems created by the absence of an acceptable policing service
in the north.
Let me digress briefly to make an important point. The policing vacuum
cannot be filled by physical punishments, no matter how frustrated
communities may be by those who engage in anti-social behaviour. There is no
place for so called punishment beatings or shootings. Our party has a
lengthy opposition to these. They are counter productive. They should stop.
This party was also prepared to share power with the DUP. That remains our
position. There is no reason not to. We respect their mandate. We got them
to accept the Good Friday Agreement. For their part the two governments
pledged to honour commitments made repeatedly by them in the past on a range
of outstanding and important issues of rights, demilitarisation, equality,
prisoners and so on. Then it all came unstuck.
Thit achan rud as a chéile, agus tá sé ina smidiríní go fóill.
Ian Paisley delivered his 'acts of humiliation' speech. Mr. Paisley's desire
to "humiliate republicans"; to have republicans "wear sack cloth and ashes";
and the DUP's constant use of offensive language, was not and is not the
language of peace making. For many across nationalist and republican Ireland
this was too much. Especially when the governments supported the DUP
position that the IRA be photographed putting their arms beyond use.
Ian Paisley didn't even have to negotiate for this demand. The two
governments supported it from the beginning. It was a demand, not
surprising, that Sinn Féin could not deliver. A partnership of equals can
never be delivered or built through a process of humiliation. The
governments went ahead and launched their draft outline of a comprehensive
agreement, even though there was no agreement.
New negotiations
You will recall that the two governments gave a commitment at the beginning
of this negotiation to find a way forward if there was a failure to get a
deal. So Sinn Féin and the British government entered into new talks. The
Irish government should have been there. But the Irish government refused to
attend. The British government set out their views. They agreed to talk to
the Irish government to try and agree a joint government paper and bring it
back to us.
We gave the British government written proposals of what we thought was
required, and we sent a copy to the Irish government. The British drafted a
written response to this and when Mr. Blair met the Taoiseach in Brussels
they discussed these matters. But at our next meeting the British told us
that the Irish government would not agree a paper with them, did not want
them to present any paper to us, and had reservations about this approach.
During this period I was constantly in contact with the Taoiseach's
department and the government was eventually persuaded to send senior
officials to a trilateral meeting. It was a good meeting even though the
officials were only there as observers.
The Northern Bank Robbery
After that meeting we broke for Christmas. Then came news of the Northern
Bank robbery. The IRA is accused of that robbery. And of other incidents. It
denies this. I accept those denials. Others don't. The truth is that no one
knows at this time who did the robbery, except the people involved.
Martin McGuinness and I were accused by the Taoiseach of having prior
knowledge. That is untrue. But one thing is for certain activities like this
have no place in the peace process. The rest is history or what passes for
history in these McCarthyite times.
Sending a Clear Message
Just two months ago the process was close to a deal which many thought was
not possible. Now the momentum is going the other way. As a first step in
trying to move the process out of this crisis I want to send a very, very
clear message to everyone. That message is that the peace process is the
only way forward.
I do not underestimate the depth of the crisis or the difficulties. But I am
absolutely certain that there is a way beyond this crisis.
Níl aon bhealach eile, is cuma cé chomh deacair is atá sé, caithfidh muid an
phróiseas a chur le chéile aris.
The peace process is our struggle
Republicans must make sure that we recognise failures in the process
quickly; that we assess them; that we criticise ourselves were necessary;
that we learn what has to be learned and emerge stronger and more able to
fulfil our historic mission. It is by learning from failures that we will
find the way forward. We will learn to improve and strenthen our struggle.
And let me make it clear the peace process is our struggle.
It is as a result of our tenacity that the balance of forces has changed on
this island to the extent that the conservative parties are now seeking to
stunt and to stop the growth of the main vehicle of republican struggle -
that is Sinn Féin.
I am also very conscious that a lot of the effort to damage Sinn Féin is
through targeting me and others in our national leadership. Our opponents
are trying to damage my credibility on the premise that your credibility and
our ability to pursue our objectives, will be damaged also.
In the normal cut and thrust of party politics let me tell you that I would
not put up with these highly personalised attacks. I would not put up with
the campaign of vilification by those who are interested only in petty or
narrow-minded party political concerns. It isn't worth it. But this isn't
about me, it is about the peace process. I have no personal political
ambitions. That is not a criticism of those who do
But the peace process is bigger than party politics. So is the right of the
people of this island to live together in freedom and in peace and with
justice. That is why I am an Irish republican. I believe the people of this
island - orange and green united - can order our own affairs better than any
British government. That is our right. That is our entitlement. That is why
I have given my life to this struggle. That is why I take my
responsibilities so seriously.
The national responsibility of the Irish government
There is a heavy responsibility on the Irish government. It needs to
demonstrate that it is as committed to change as its rhetoric implies. The
Taoiseach needs to consider whether the invective of his own Ministers and
some of his own remarks are creating the atmosphere necessary for
constructive engagement. He needs to consider whether his government's
current strategy is the right way to go forward. Such approaches were tried
in the past - they failed.
We have always worked in good faith with the Taoiseach - for over a decade
now. I have acknowledged his contribution and I do so again. The peace
process was never above politics but it should always be above party
politics. Every party has their own view of how things could go forward -
inside and outside the negotiations. That's fair enough.
Of course there are disagreements. But there was a sense of nationalists
working together. That while we may disagree on tactics we were going in the
same direction. All that has changed. Because in the script written by the
Irish and British establishments Sinn Féin was never meant to be anything
more than a bit player.
The fact that we are now the largest pro-Agreement party in the north and
the third largest party on the island has changed the dynamic of politics
here. Of course the government wants the process to succeed, but now its
trying to do this solely on its terms.
The IRA
The British and Irish governments are seeking to reduce all of the issues to
one - that is the issue of the IRA - even though it knows that the IRA is
not the only issue. Historically and in essence the Irish Republican Army is
a response to British rule in Ireland. It is a response to deep injustice.
In contemporary terms it is evidence of the failure of politics in the north
and a consequence of the abandonment by successive Irish governments of
nationalists in that part of our country. And let me be clear about this.
Our leadership is working to create the conditions where the IRA ceases to
exist. Do I believe this can be achieved? Yes I do. But I do not believe
that the IRA can be wished away, or ridiculed or embarrassed or demonised or
repressed out of existence.
Hundreds of IRA Volunteers have fallen in the struggle. There is justifiable
pride among republican families about the role of their loved ones. When
people decided to take up arms it was because they believed there was no
alternative. But there is an alternative. That is a positive. It is in
tatters at this time. But it can be rebuilt. That is another positive. The
IRA cessation continues. That also is a positive. The IRA has demonstrated
time and again its willingness to support genuine efforts to secure Irish
freedom by peaceful means. Another positive. I do not underestimate the
difficulties.
I take nothing for granted. But let no-one ignore, diminish or belittle the
progress that has been made.
Republicans are up for the Challenge
Thug sé dóchas agus ardú meanma do glún iomlán de muintir na h'Éireann --
thuaidh agus theas.
The peace process has been one of the greatest achievements of this
generation. And I'm not just talking about the republican contribution -
though that should not be undervalued or dismissed. As Irish republicans we
believe in independence and self-determination for the people of this
island. So we see beyond the process to that achievable goal.
But we take pride also in our achievements thus far. And we are determined
to play a positive role both in the process and in the political life of
this nation. Sinn Féin wants to tackle the problems now. It has never been
in our interest to prolong the peace process. It does not serve those we
represent or the country as a whole.
A process as protracted as this one runs the risk of being undermined by
those who are against change. Elements of the British system, elements of
unionism and unionist paramilitaries, elements on the fringes of
republicanism, do not want this process to succeed.
Sinn Féin is battling against all these - day in and day out in parts of the
north. And we're not about to give up. We know that as long as we make
progress toward the achievement of our goals those who fundamentally
disagree with those goals will resort to foul means or fair to deny us the
possibility of moving forward.
So this is not a time for republicans to be inward looking. It is a time for
forward thinking. Our opponents now have a project. Despite their
protestations it is not about tackling criminality. It is about eroding our
integrity and credibility among those people who are thinking of joining
this party or voting for us. It's as cynical as that.
Sinn Féin has used our influence with the IRA in a positive way. I believe
there is merit in us continuing to do this. But we cannot make peace on our
own.
We cannot implement the Good Friday Agreement on our own. We cannot
establish a working viable power sharing government on our own. We cannot
resolve the outstanding issues of policing, and demilitarisation, and
equality and human rights on our own. The British and Irish governments and
the unionists have their parts to play. Whatever else happens the peace
process is our priority.
Inevitably that will mean more hard choices, more hard decisions for Irish
republicans as we push ahead with our political project and as we seek to
achieve a United Ireland.
Those who want fundamental change have to stretch the furthest and take the
greatest risks. Let us continue, despite the difficulties -- to reach out to
unionism to build a just and lasting peace on our island.
Ian Paisley says he is willing to share power with us. Let us test him.
Again. We know it will be a battle a day. We know as the leading nationalist
party in the north and the largest pro-Agreement party, that there are huge
responsibilities on us. We are up to that task.
Building an Ireland of equals
Fundamental to Sinn Féin since its foundation has been the belief that the
Irish people have the capacity to shape our own society, to build our own
economy and to govern our own country to suit our needs and our character as
a nation.
The past decade has seen an unprecedented growth in the Irish economy. But
the management of that economy by the Government in this State has not
challenged the deep-seated inequality in Irish society. This inequality
exists at many levels.
For example, people with disabilities have no legislative rights, and the
Celtic Tiger stops at the border. The north survives on susbsidies from the
British Exchequer and with some of the highest levels of poverty in Western
Europe. Throughout the rest of Ireland the gap between rich and poor has
widened.
It is a scandal that 15% of children under 15 in this State suffer from
poverty - in other words they live in households that struggle every week to
provide the basics such as food, clothing and heating.
The public services which working people pay for through taxation have been
mismanaged, badly planned and neglected by successive Governments.
Our health services are limping from crisis to crisis, especially in the
disgraceful state of accident and emergency units. Because of underfunding
and lack of resources our education system is struggling to cope.
Children with special needs are not provided with the facilities they
require. The Fianna Fáil/PD government has no housing policy. It leaves it
all to private developers to reap big profits as housing prices spiral
beyond the reach of people on average incomes. Those with a mortgage face
decades of debt.
Many find themselves in badly planned new housing estates without schools,
public transport or childcare.
The government has not used the prosperity wisely for the benefit of the
maximum number of people. In fact the court recently ruled that deductions
taken from old peoples pensions in state homes is illegal. This practice was
defended by the Tanaiste but in truth all the other parties allowed it as
did successive governments over the years. It is still not clear how much
was robbed from these senior citizens but the government's own estimates put
it between 500million and 2billion EURO.
So the government has not invested in the people or in the future.
Chuir siad na milliún punt amú le cúig bliana déag anuas.
It's time for Change
But we all know this. We know the failures of
successive governments - the point is to find the solutions.
And that is what Sinn Féin is about. We are working with people to bring
about real change for the better in the here and now - not at some distant
time in the future. And we measure our success by the amount of positive
change we have brought about.
For example, after Sinn Féin's success the Government has rediscovered its
social conscience. Or at least it now recognises the key social and economic
issues that Sinn Féin has been campaigning on.
They have yet to properly address these issues but they have been moved. So
too on the National Question. The growth of Sinn Féin has forced most of the
parties to rediscover their nationalist or republican roots. That reflects
public support for these concepts.
Sin an fath go bhfuil muid ag guí ar muintir iomlán an oileáin seo. Is cuma
cén páirtí ina bhfuil sibh cuidigí linn ag brú ar aghaidh d'Éire Aontaithe.
Public support for the peace process will bring them back to that process as
well. But progress demands more than rhetoric from these other parties.
Sinn Féin needs to continue to grow. Our goal is to have a Sinn Féin cumann
in every electoral ward across Ireland. We have to open our party up to
women and to people who will bring their own life experiences and values.
There is also a need to build a national mood for positive change, which can
harness the creative power of what people do best in society - the
imagination and energy of children and young people; the commitment of
parents and carers; the dedication of those who work tirelessly in the
voluntary, and community sector; or in the health services; the skills and
talents of workers in many fields.
All those who seek political progress must mobilise that good will and turn
that desire for a better society into an unstoppable movement for genuine
equality. Sinn Féin has no copyright on this. There is plenty of work and
lots of space for everyone. So let us move the struggle forward in the
widest sense possible. Let us move it forward also by building our party.
In the time ahead we face many party political challenges -- four election
campaigns -- the Meath by-election, toghchain Udaras na Gaeltachta and Local
Government and Westminster elections in the north. We will also face a
referendum on the EU Constitution.
There is a lot of organisational and recruiting work to be done and I want
to appeal to people to join Sinn Féin. I particularly want to commend Ógra
Sinn Féin for their dedicated work and also the staff of An Phoblacht.
A lot of my remarks today are aimed at other political parties. The British
government scarcely gets a mention. That is a sign of these times. I am
conscious also of conflicts and famines and disasters in other parts of the
world. I am conscious of efforts to resolve problems in the Middle East. I
salute these efforts and I salute Palestinian Ambassador who is here with us
today.
Meanwhile the imperatives of Irish domestic politics tear the Irish peace
process asunder and Sinn Féin is savaged as the British government is let
off the hook.
Is that what the republican and nationalist people of this island want? I
think not. I think they want us to face up to our responsibilities and
others to do likewise. And I think they want Sinn Féin to continue to be a
persuasive voice in this process.
Níor chúlaigh muid ó dúshlán riamh ní bheidh muid ag cúlú ón dúshtán seo.
So let us all get our act together. Let us find a fair and equitable
accommodation with unionism. It is my conviction that the DUP and Sinn Féin
will be in government together.
Let us put it up to the British government to do the right thing by Ireland.
The most important thing we all have to do at this time is to rebuild the
peace process
We are up to that task. Turning back is not an option. We're moving forward
-- forward to a better future.