20th April 2004
Response by Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams to publication of IMC Report
Dublin must stand up and defend Agreement
My remarks today will deal with this afternoon's report from the
so-called
Independent Monitoring Commission. I will also outline the Sinn Féin view
of
the
Irish Government's stewardship of the Good Friday Agreement process
at
this
time.
The IMC was established by the British and Irish Governments last year,
at
the
demand of David Trimble. It is clearly in contravention of the Good
Friday
Agreement and we said so at the time.
We were under no illusions. The role of the IMC was to facilitate the
exclusion
of our party, to soft peddle on unionist violence and to entirely
ignore
the
behaviour of the British government - the party most in breach of
the
Good
Friday Agreement.
The Commission is not independent. That much is obvious from its
remit,
its
membership and the fact it bases its decisions on reports from the
PSNI,
the
British Army and the securocrats who continue to dictate the
British
government's attitude and action on the peace process. The pretence
of it
making recommendations to the two Governments is an undemocratic
political
farce.
The Commissions report is a proxy report by the securocrats which
recommends
sanctions against Sinn Féin - despite the clear fact that we are not in
any
way
in breach of the Agreement, nor did they suggest we were.
It reduced the ongoing unionist paramilitary campaign almost to a
postscript
and
exonerated the two governments entirely.
And where did the Commission get their information? From the same people
who so
outrageously raided our offices in Stormont in a blaze of publicity,
and
the
same people who tried to collapse the negotiations which led to the Good
Friday
Agreement, by getting Sinn Féin expelled from the talks in early 1998.
With the British government waging war in Iraq these elements are
obviously in
the ascendancy within their system. These are the agencies indicted
in
the
Barron report, in the censored Cory report and in every
investigation
into
collusion in recent times.
The duplicity and double standards in the report are outrageous.
For example, the British government recently sought to excuse its
refusal to
allow a fully independent judicial inquiry into the killing of Pat
Finucane, on
the basis that a person is facing trial.
There are four people facing trial over the Tohill affair. Yet this
matter is
investigated at the request of the two governments and is a substantive
part of
this report and the reason for its publication at this time.
And it has to be noted that the speed with which this report has been
issued - a
matter of three months since the Commission first met and despite ongoing
legal
considerations - stands in stark contrast to the shabby treatment
which
the
British and Irish governments have meted out to the family of Pat
Finucane,
who
have waited fifteen years for justice. They continue to wait.
In addition, while accepting that Sinn Fein is not in a position to
actually
determine the policies or operational strategies of the IRA, the
Commission
recommends financial penalties against Sinn Fein.
This is a nonsense position. It is a politically contrived conclusion
which
has
no basis in fact.
The Commission recommendations are clearly discriminatory,
subvert
the
democratic and electoral rights and mandate of Sinn Fein and of our
electorate.
Sinn Féin will not accept this partisan report. We will not accept this
attack
on our party. We will not accept this attack on our electoral mandate.
We will challenge it by every means at our disposal and at every door we
go to
in the upcoming election campaign. We will also put responsibility
for
the
current crisis precisely where it belongs - with the two
governments.
The
Commission, after all, is the child of the two governments. It is only
doing
what it was set up to do. Its report is a sham.
But the thinking behind the establishment of the Commission is
symptomatic of
the flawed attitude of the two governments for some time now.
Sinn Fein has developed, argued for and promoted a strategy, which will
see an
end to armed groups. It was that strategy which led to the peace process
in
the
first place and to the Good Friday Agreement, which is a product
of
that
process.
There is a logic behind our strategy which is essentially about
upholding
the
rights and entitlements of citizens, building a sustainable process of
change
and making politics work.
In private both governments tell us that they support and see the logic
of
that
position. Though not all Irish government Ministers would subscribe
to
that
strategy.
Sinn Fein is also against criminality of any sort. And we deeply
resent
any
attempt to besmirch republicans with that label.
However it is obvious that has been a major rethink in the position
of
the
governments and particularly the Irish government. The Government's
current
position is wrong. It is short-term, party political and totally
contrary to
the politics of peace making. The Government must return to the Good
Friday
Agreement.
It is a historic fact that for a long time successive Irish
governments
were
willing to blindly follow a British government led agenda.
The development over the last decade of inclusive, conflict
resolution
type
processes saw a potential for the emergence of a new
inter-governmental
relationship. Under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement both
governments
are
called on to act as co-equal partners on all the issues dealt with
by
the
Agreement.
The Agreement is arguably one of the most important Treaties in recent
Irish
history. Without question the peace process is the most important
development of
our times.
But the great difficulty was always going to be in implementing the
Agreement,
not least because of the powerful forces of reaction who are against the
changes
which peace requires and which the Good Friday Agreement supports.
An option for the British government is always to do as little as
possible. It
also has to be said that the challenges facing the governments are not
to be
underestimated.
It takes a singular focus and relentless tenacity and resilience to
retain
the
approach the process demands. And of course governments have
their
own
interests. And those who are in government have their interests also.
In my view these narrower interests are taking precedence over the
need to
defend and implement the Agreement.
The governments did not envisage the Good Friday Agreement
becoming
the
instrument for the real change which it has the potential to be.
They envisaged an alliance between the UUP and SDLP with a fairly
anaemic
programme of reform which those parties would accept.
And they did not foresee the growth of Sinn Fein.
As we now know the electorate decided differently. But the governments
have
not
accepted their democratically expressed wishes. On the contrary they are
using
the IMC to actively subvert democratic wishes and entitlements.
So, in July 2001 the Irish government moved prematurely on the issue of
policing
and broke the nationalist consensus which then existed. In October
2002
the
British government stepped outside the Agreement and the Irish
government
acquiesced as the Assembly and the Executive were collapsed. In May
2003
the
Irish government acquiesced to the cancellation of the elections. Last
October
they failed to honour an agreement which they made and which we and
others
kept
in good faith.
Since the Assembly elections last November the Irish government has
led
the
charge in a reckless way, driven by the upcoming elections, in a
vicious
propaganda offensive on the democratic rights of that section of the
electorate
who vote for Sinn Fein.
The Assembly election results undoubtedly sparked this. The aim is to
influence
the outcome of the local government and European elections in June.
The Irish government has also moved to bring about a referendum on
Irish
citizenship which is a breach of the Agreement and they did so
without
consultation with any of the parties to the Agreement.
The haste with which they have moved on this matter is in stark
contrast to
their failure to legislate for the rights of citizens with disabilities
or to
bring in the rights of northerners to be represented in southern
institutions.
Little wonder that Ian Paisley increasingly quotes Irish government
Ministers.
I consider the government's position on the issue of Citizenship to be
racist.
What is required is a full debate and an open and fair immigration
policy. I
welcome the SDLP's interest in this issue. They should join with
us in
campaigning against the government's amendment.
So, for all of these reasons there is justifiable concern about the
current
state of the process.
This was heightened last night by the sudden cancellation of the talks
due to
take place next week.
I am seeking urgent and separate discussions with the Taoiseach and the
British
Prime Minister on all these matters. I have conveyed these concerns to
their
most senior officials.
I have always been reluctant to publicly criticise the Irish government
but I
have a duty to uphold the rights of our electorate and the integrity
of
the
process which is so crucial for the future of all the people of this
island.
I make my remarks more in disappointment than in anger. Sinn Fein is
well
able
to defend ourselves but the process is more important than that and no
matter
about our differences on other issues I have no wish to be at odds
with
the
government over the peace process. It is above party politics.
I look forward to working on the basis of the Good Friday Agreement
with
the
Taoiseach. This means that the Irish government need to step up to the
mark.
It
needs to stop allowing the British government to set the agenda in the
peace
process. It needs to stop setting the Good Friday Agreement and the
rights
and
entitlements of nationalists and republicans aside at the whim of
unionists -
whether it is David Trimble or Ian Paisley.
Republicans want this process to work. We have invested hugely in it and
taken
enormous risks. Our commitment is to see the Good Friday Agreement
implemented
but we cannot be the only ones to take risks. The only way these
difficulties
will be resolved is if the governments re-engage properly with the peace
process
in a way which respects the rights of everyone involved and in the terms
of
the
Good Friday Agreement.
As far as Sinn Féin is concerned that is a point of political principle.