Irish Republican News and Information

Irish Republican News and Information, 29. January 2003, http://irlnet.com/rmlist/

Analysis: SF focus on implementation of Agreement
By Mitchel McLaughlin MLA

Newspapers, both here and in Britain, were awash with talk of breakthrough concessions from the IRA last week. Everybody was energised by the stories. They don't make sense. It's not where things are at - which shows that there are other agendas at work

The whole focus for Sinn Fein is on the full and faithful implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. There are so many aspects of the Agreement that have yet to be implemented. Tony Blair admitted in his speech, when he came to Belfast, that the British government hadn't fulfilled its commitments under the terms of the Agreement. These include demilitarisation, Policing, the human rights agenda, the Criminal Justice review etc. All of those things, are where the focus is at. It is not a single-issue agenda as being portrayed in the media.

Tony Blair's speech in Belfast was widely interpreted as an uncompromising demand for IRA disbandment. But on scrutiny he never articulated such a demand.

He talked about acts of completion, and time for inch-by-inch negotiation of the issues addressed by the Agreement to end. Sinn Fein agrees with this sentiment. But as Tony Blair's admission of his government's failure to implement its responsibilities under the Agreement demonstrates, this applies as much to himself as to anybody else. Sinn Fein also wants to see acts of completion on demilitarisation, policing, criminal justice, human rights and all of the other areas that the British government has responsibility for. Sinn Fein is prepared to get into negotiations around how all of that can be completed.

The inordinate focus on the IRA is unhealthy for the process. It allows those that do not wish to see the Agreement implemented to abdicate responsibility to find a mechanism to deal with all of the arms in Irish politics. But you have to deal with all of them. The fact is that the RUC or the PSNI is still the main armed body, unionist paramilitary weapons are still very active on a daily basis and, of course, there is the whole question of demilitarisation, which is about British arms.

All of that has to be dealt with and it's only in the context of making politics work, functioning political institutions and all-Ireland bodies that will provide the opportunity for politicians to deal with all of this. We can not allow what should be an OBJECTIVE of the process to become a PRECONDITION to making the process work. It is by demonstrating that politics works that we will create the conditions that will convince all of the armed groups to disarm.

The latest crisis had been widely predicted for months as a result of the UUP's desire to get out of coalition with Sinn Fein ahead of an election. In the end, however, it came about because of the PSNI raid on Sinn Fein's Stormont offices. This all fitted in nicely with the agenda set out by the Ulster Unionists to engineer a situation that would cause the collapse of the institutions in circumstances that would be blamed on republicans. Elements in the PSNI were only too willing to play a part in engineering this situation.

The UUP had outlined their gradual withdrawal strategy on 21 September. It would have been phased until 18 January, when they would have totally withdrawn.

So regardless of what happened at Stormont or any other allegations against republicans the UUP would have collapsed the Institutions by last Saturday anyway. They used the situation - a contrived situation - around the raids to fast-forward the programme of collapse that they had already outlined.

That does give me cause for concern. It makes no political sense to attack the political institutions that come out of the Good Friday Agreement or to collapse the only forum in which we all collectively can relate to each other.

Who was responsible for the Stormont raid? Was it the British government or was it, as some believe, a cabal within the PSNI? We've always believed that the people who control the RUC are the Special Branch, and MI5 control Special Branch. So who controls MI5? Are there elements of the British government directly in there? Time will tell in relation to all of that. At this point the political damage has been done.

There's a degree of concern that the British government might try to avoid having the elections, which I think would be a big mistake. It would be a mistake not to face the democratic process within the given timescale, just because the British government and some of the parties are fearful of the outcome. Sinn Fein wants to see those elections. The British government needs to understand the desire of the people for change.

Would the British government postpone an election beyond its due date because they thought the Tories were going to make a comeback? It wouldn't be considered. Likewise, if we're due elections, which we are, then let's have elections.

There is a dynamic within Sinn Fein. We are now the biggest party representing the nationally minded people of the Six-Counties. I think that trend will continue. That dynamic is behind Sinn Fein throughout all of Ireland, not just the North, and it is throwing up challenges to all of the other parties. So much so that we now have regular talk of mergers between the SDLP and Fianna Fail, the Irish Labour Party opening up membership to residents of the North and even Fine Gael attempting to claim that it is a republican party. These moves are all reaction to the growing attraction of Sinn Fein as the party of choice for more and more people.

We have been pursuing our politics for a long time. We are an all-Ireland party. We are the only party in Ireland that is organised throughout the country. Quite clearly, we are a republican labour party. We're very proud of that and we want to bring about the re-unification of Ireland. The other parties now see the attraction of that and as the Sinn Fein electorate continues to grow they will continue to react by donning the republican mantle. And that's a good thing if it hastens the dawn of the new, united Ireland.

The re-unification of Ireland is now the big picture. It is going to happen and although parties will come at it from different perspectives as to how it will come about or how long it will take I believe that there is a general acceptance that it will happen. Even from unionists. The parties will react - some of them in a positive way, some of them in a half-hearted way - unionists will come at it quite negatively - but they are all coming at it. That's exactly what happened at the emergence of the peace process. Nobody could ignore the realpolitik of the peace process emergingm just as they will not now be able to ignore the realpolitik of the reunification of Ireland emerging.

It's a bold forecast and one that will no doubt arouse some scepticism but as I say - the same scepticism was around at the time of the Hume-Adams talks that led a decade later to the Good Friday Agreement. Time will tell how far the analogy extends.